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Leaders and the Arrogance of Power in Tanzania



Since the departure of Mwalimu Nyerere from power in 1985, it has become customary for Tanzanians to denounce their political leaders as being ‘arrogant’ and ‘corrupt’. Strangely enough though, this has coincided with the increased role of the international financial institutions – the World Bank and IMF in particular, in the country’s development agenda, especially through the various economic reforms that are being instituted and implemented in the country under the supervision of these two sister institutions. 
Since the inception of economic reforms in the country in the mid 1980s, it seems to a section of Tanzanians that the country has lost ownership of its development agenda as all matters pertaining to development policies are no longer dictated by the Tanzanian government, and instead they are prescribed and closely monitored by the World Bank and the IMF. This is clearly demonstrated in the AID industry whereby Foreign AID has become a major tool that ensures that rich countries have a ‘net gain’ when it comes to flows of resources between Tanzanians and citizens in the donor countries.  In this context, the country’s leadership is left with two options: to either implement the economic reforms that come with strict conditionality, or to receive no Aid. Throughout most of the post – independence period, the option has been the former, and a large portion of the country’s budget has continued to rely heavily on AID funds.
There is no evidence that donors systematically apportion AID to governments that are less corrupt (see a study by Sevensson, 2000). Instead, some studies (see Alesina and Weder, 1999), indicate that there is a tendency for “more corrupt governments” to receive “more foreign Aid”. Tanzania appears to fit in well with this formula.  From having being the continent’s ‘darling’ of integrity under Nyerere’s leadership, especially in the 1960s and 1970s, Tanzania is slowly evolving into becoming a criminalized state. Her legal system is in shambles and court rulings are for the most eminent bidders; the country has become heaven for money laundering and a drugs fortress for international drug lords; and has also become a major transit centre for drugs, whereby allegedly, some senior officials from the ruling party and the government are largely involved.
Regardless, donors’ support to Tanzania highly correlates with an increased criminalization by the state. It was only recently when the World Bank released its infamous policy brief entitled “Tanzania Economic Update: Stairways to Heaven”. This is disturbing especially since what donors appear to do is to reward what they perceive as good performance with or without knowledge that, they encourage corruption and arrogant leadership that continues for instance to take the electorate at ransom, by capturing the state as if it is a property for the elected. 
Given such appalling assessments by the World Bank, it appears as though donors and the majority of Tanzanians see the country in two contrary perspectives. The verdict about corruption and development in Tanzania seems to be divided between these two camps as follows: On the one hand is the donor community. It is common practice for donors to cite Tanzania as a major success story and use its performance to justify increased AID to the continent, based on the notion that policy and institutional reforms spearheaded by the International Financial Institutions have sparked rapid development in Tanzania.  Over the last twelve years, on average, the country’s GDP growth rate has been impressive, over 6%. Given such statistics, economists from the International Financial Institutions have consistently praised Tanzania as a living example for Sub – Saharan African economies throughout the period. 
But on the other hand, it is the majority of Tanzanians who, so far, the declared success by the international financial institutions (which is also admired by the ruling elite), have hardly brought them some tangible results. For example, rising unemployment, especially among the youths, and extreme levels of poverty are giving rise to adverse social effects such as hiking crime levels. Average Tanzanians have yet to witness any real changes in their livelihoods despite the International Financial Institutions’ affirmation. Although the economy is supposedly growing speedily, the concentration of growth is only in the capital (Dar-es-salaam) and mineral – energy dominions, and it doesn’t trickle down to the common man. 
It is in this context that arrogant leaders arise and there has been an amazing exhibit of arrogance of power among them. It is as if Foreign Aid has produced a predatory elite class in Tanzania because AID has made the ruling elite become extremely powerful, wealthy and more distant from the ruled class. The predatory elite are very skillful at providing the donor community with what they want and need – “the implementation of market friendly economic policies and reforms”, at the expense of a weakening democracy and underdevelopment. The elites are fully aware that as long they spend AID funds transparently and don’t breach the spending limits, even if it means scaling down funds set aside for poverty alleviation projects, they can rob tax payers money and kill with impunity. Why would they care especially if in the end the donor community that provides the country with development funds is already praising them as good leaders in the verge of taking their citizens to the Promised Land?
No wonder most comments made in public by the ruling elite about the state of affairs in the country leave many agape and in dismay, wondering whether these leaders are ‘heaven sent’, or ‘electorate sent’. It is common for the ruling elite to indulge in politics of mudslinging, accusing and labeling all those questioning or challenging the current state of affairs in the country as ‘enemies of the state’. However, the real intention behind such behavior by these predatory elite has been to deflect the public’s focus from larger and important societal issues that have real and immediate effects in their daily livelihoods. Otherwise, it is only the ‘corrupt’, not the ‘democrats’, who would feel imperiled by the ongoing social movements that demand change. The ruling elite fail to understand that democracy is People, not the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania. At most, the latter is the product of the former, hence its servant, not the master.
There is a consistent display of insensitive arrogance from the ruling elite. For example, it is common to hear them lecturing the opposition that they are still too immature to lead the country and instead, they should first learn from the best, implying the ruling party – CCM, especially on matters pertaining to economic and political leadership. To the ruling elite, the pace of the country’s economic progress is satisfactory, and it is not the duty of Tanzanians to challenge or question such pace, but instead to conform to it. This argument becomes more justified when donors come up with positive assessments of the country’s state of affairs which literally is an approval of the leadership conduct of the elite in power. However, this self-assessment style of leadership among the elites (shared by the donor community) bears little similarity to what is happening on the ground, especially in the socio – economic and political contexts. Also the attitude among the elite that CCM is here to stay negates the very notion of democracy that is being promoted by the donor community, particularly on the importance of electoral cycles whereby election results are not pre-determined by self-fulfilling elections but instead, are determined by the choice made by the people at the polls.
Many Tanzanians continue to wonder – when will the donor community wake up and smell the coffee? The state continues to kill people with impunity and the elites continue to enrich themselves via  tax payers’ money while majority of Tanzanians continue to live in hopelessness and despair in a country which is blessed with almost all kinds of natural wealth. Glooming rankings of Tanzania practically in every Human Development Index prepared by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), should have been a clear denunciation of the position of the ruling elite by the donor community about the state of affairs in the country. Otherwise, as long as the donor community continues to sideline with the ruling elite about the state of affairs in the country, the ruling elite (not the people) will continue to be both the judge and the jurors in all counts concerning their performance in office.
It is a bitter truth to swallow that the ruling elite and donor community are satisfied with the pace and levels of progress in the country, and this hardly leaves Tanzanians with much options when it comes to changing the current order of affairs for their betterment. Unless Tanzanians decided to pursue an extreme option that is left before them and that is – taking a revolutionary stance to root out the predatory elite before it sucks them and the future generations to their bones. God Bless Tanzania, God Bless Africa.
Author: Mtanzania Mzalendo
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UJASUSI: Jinsi kijana wa kiume kutoka New Zealand alivyojaribu  kumuua Malikia Elizabeth II



Shirika la Ujasusi la New Zealand  (SIS) limethibitisha kwa mara ya kwanza kwamba kulikuwa na jaribio la kumuua Malikia Elizabeth II wakati alipotembelea jiji la Kusini la Dunedin mwaka 1981.

Jaribio hilo la kumuua Malikia linalodaiwa kutekelezwa na kijana wa kiume limechochea hamasa ya polisi kutaka kujua ni kwa kiasi gani wanausalama hao walifanikiwa kuzima njama hizo.

Taarifa iliyotolewa na SIS  zinaonesha kuwa kijana huyo, Christopher Lewis (17) alipiga risasi kuelekea kwa Malikia wakati akishuka kwenye gari lake ambapo alikuwa anaenda kushuhudia Maonyesho ya Sayansi yaliyofanyika Oktoba 14, 1981 katika jiji hilo. Tukio hilo lilitokea akiwa katika ziara ya siku 8 kutembelea nchi wanachama wa Jumuiya ya Madola.

“Lewis alidhamiria kumuua Malikia, hata hivyo hakuwa katika nafasi nzuri ya kurusha risasi, hata silaha iliyotumia haikuwa katika umbali wa kuweza kumfikia mhusika,” imesema taarifa iliyotumwa SIS kwa vyombo vya habari.

Lewis ambaye anatajwa kwenye taarifa ya ujasusi kama ‘kijana msumbufu’ hakuhukumiwa kwa jaribio la kutaka kuua au kosa la uhaini. Tukio hilo lilifanywa kuwa siri ili kuzuia sifa mbaya kwa nchi (New Zealand) ambayo ilitembelewa na mgeni wa heshima. Badala yake Lewis alihukumiwa kwa kumiliki silaha kinyume na sheria na kufyatua risasi.

                       Malikia Elizabeth II akiwa ameambatana na walinzi wake alipotembelea New Zealand

Inaelezwa kuwa watu waliohudhuria tukio la kuwasili kwa Malikia walisikia mlio wa risasi lakini Polisi waliokuwa wanasimamia usalama katika eneo hilo la Dunedin waliwaambia kuwa ilikuwa ni sauti ya kuanguka kwa kitu au magari kugongana.

“Uchunguzi wa sasa wa polisi juu milio iliyosikika umefanywa kwa umakini na wawakilishi wa vyombo vya habari wamepata mrejesho kuwa kelele zilisababishwa na baruti”, inaeleza ripoti kutoka SIS iliyotolewa mwaka 1981 baada ya kutokea tukio hilo.

Kulingana taarifa za ujasusi zinaeleza kuwa polisi wamekuwa wakifuatilia nyendo za Lewis tangu 1986 ambapo Malikia alitembelea tena New Zealand wakiogopa kuwa anaweza kutekeleza tena uhalifu huo. Kuwekwa wazi kwa siri hiyo kumewaibua polisi ambao wameanza kuchunguza upya kesi hiyo.

Zaidi ya muongo mmoja uliopita, Lewis alihukumiwa kwa mauaji ya mwanamke mmoja katika mji wa Auckland na kumteka mtoto wa kike ambapo baadaye alimtupa karibu na kanisa.

Kulingana na taarifa mbalimbali za wakati huo zinaeleza kuwa Lewis alijidhuru kwa umeme akiwa gerezani mnamo 1997 akisubiri hukumu ya kuua. Lakini alikana mashtaka ya kuua kwa ujumbe mfupi wa kifo (suicide note).

New Zealand ilipata uhuru mwaka 1947 kutoka kwa Uingereza lakini inamuheshimu Malikia kama kiongozi wa taifa. Ameitembelea nchi hiyo kama Malikia mara 10 na mara ya mwisho ilikuwa 2002.

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FREEDOM HOUSE: Tanzania ina uhuru kiasi, kufungiwa vyombo vya habari, kuzuia mikutano ya kisiasa kuididimiza kwenye nchi zisizo na uhuru kabisa



Ripoti mpya iliyotolewa na taasisi huru ya Freedom House imesema misingi ya demokrasia ikiwemo uhuru wa vyombo vya habari na haki ya kukusanyika imeendelea kudhoofika nchini Tanzania na hali hiyo isiporekebishwa itaingia kwenye kundi la nchi zisizo na uhuru kabisa duniani.

Kulingana na  Freedom House  ambao walichambua data katika nchi 195 za ulimwenguni katika mwaka 2017 wamebaini kuwa nchi 88 zina uhuru,  58 zimejumuishwa kwenye kundi la nchi zenye uhuru kiasi huku 48 zikiwekwa kwenye kundi la nchi zisizo na uhuru kabisa.

Ripoti hiyo imebainisha kuwa misingi ya demokrasia ikiwemo uchaguzi usio huru na haki, uhuru wa kujieleza umeendelea kushuka kwa mwaka wa 12 mfufululizo duniani kote. Miongoni mwa matokeo yaliyostaajabisha ni kudhoofika kwa  Marekani ambayo ni mama wa demokrasia kutokana na uchunguzi unaofanywa na Mwendesha Mashtaka Maalumu kuhusu Urusi kuingilia uchaguzi mkuu wa mwaka 2016 ambao ulimpa ushindi Rais Donald Trump.

Tanzania imewekwa kwenye nchi 88 ambazo zina uhuru kiasi lakini inatahadharishwa kuwa inaweza kuingia kwenye nchi zisizo na uhuru kabisa. Tahadhari hiyo inatokana na mwenendo wa viongozi wa serikali kufungia vyombo vya habari, kuzuia mikutano ya hadhara ya vyama vya siasa, kushtakiwa kwa watumiaji wa mitandao ya kijamii kwa tuhuma za uchochezi na kukamatwa kwa wapinzani wa kisiasa ambao wanakosoa na kutoa mawazo yanayotofautiana na serikali.

Pia utekelezaji wa Sheria ya Takwimu ya mwaka 2015, Sheria ya Huduma ya Habari ya mwaka 2016 na Sheria ya Makosa ya Mtandao  ya mwaka 2015 umekuwa ukilalamikiwa na wadau wa maendeleo kuwa ni mkakati wa kudhoofisha uhuru wa kutoa maoni, uwazi na uwajibikaji.

Kituo cha Sheria na Haki za Binadamu (LHRC) nchini hivi karibuni kilitoa tamko la tathmini ya uchaguzi mdogo wa marudio wa kuchagua madiwani uliofanyika katika kata 43 kwenye mikoa 19 ya Tanzania  Novemba 24 mwaka jana ambapo kilibaini mambo mbalimbali ya ukiukwaji wa haki za binadamu.

Tathmini hiyo iliibua mambo mbalimbali ikiwemo matumizi mabaya ya nguvu ya vyombo vya dola, matukio ya watu kutekwa na watu wasiojulikana, watu kupigwa, kujeruhiwa  kwa lengo la kuharibu na kuvuruga uchaguzi  na vilevile kuwatia hofu wapiga kura.


Afrika Mashariki hali bado tete

Tanzania inaungana nchi nyingine za Afrika Mashariki ikiwemo Kenya na Uganda ambazo nazo zimewekwa kwenye kundi la nchi zenye uhuru kiasi huku za Rwanda, Burundi na Sudan ya Kusini zimejumuishwa kwenye nchi zisizo na uhuru kabisa.

Awali Uganda ilikuwa kwenye nchi zisizo na uhuru kabisa lakini imepanda hadi kwenye uhuru kiasi kwasababu ya  kuimarika kwa tasnia ya habari na utashi wa wanahabari, blogu na  uhuru wa wananchi kutoa maoni yao licha ya mazingira ya kisiasa kuminywa na utawala wa muda mrefu wa Rais Yoweri Museveni.

Rais Museveni mwenye umri wa miaka 73 amekuwepo madarakani  tangu 1986 amefanikiwa kubadilisha sheria  ya ukomo wa umri wa miaka 75 wa kugombea urais ambapo atapata fursa ya kugombea tena mwaka 2021. Chaguzi nchini Uganda zimekuwa zikitawaliwa na vurugu za polisi na wananchi, kuzimwa kwa intaneti na kuwekwa kizuizini kwa viongozi wa upinzani ikiwemo Kizza Besigye wa chama cha Forum for Democratic Change.

Kwa upande wa Kenya ambayo imekuwa ikisifika kwa kuimarisha misingi ya demokrasia katika ukanda wa Afrika Mashariki ambapo kwa mara ya kwanza mahakama ilifanikiwa kubatilisha matokeo ya uchaguzi wa Urais yaliyompa ushindi Rais Uhuru Kenyatta uliofanyika Agosti 2018. Uchaguzi ulirudiwa na Rais Kenyatta alichaguliwa tena.

Marudio ya uchaguzi yalilamikiwa na baadhi ya wachambuzi wa masuala ya kisiasa kuwa hayakuzingatia haki za binadamu ambapo watu ambao walipinga uchaguzi huo walikumbana na mkono wa dola. Matendo hayo ndiyo yaliiweka Kenya kwenye kundi la nchi zilizo na uhuru kiasi.

Burundi na Sudan Kusini zimewekwa kwenye kundi la nchi zisizo na uhuru kabisa kutokana na mapigano ya kikabila ambayo yamedhoofisha mfumo wa kisiasa wa kuongoza nchi. Vyombo vya habari na wananchi wanaotoa maoni tofauti na serikali wamekuwa wakiteswa, kufungwa na kuuwawa.

Chanzo: Freedom House           – Nchi zisizo na  uhuru  – Nchi zenye uhuru     – nchi zenye uhuru kiasi   


Hali ilivyo Afrika

Afrika kama zilivyo nchi za Afrika Mashariki hali ya demokrasia siyo ya kuridhisha ikizingatiwa kuwa asilimia 11 ya wakazi wapatao bilioni 1.02 wa bara hilo ndio wana uhuru wa kweli, huku 52% wana uhuru kiasi na 37% hawa uhuru kabisa.

Ripoti ya Freedom House inaeleza kuwa waliangazia nchi 49 za Afrika na kugundua kuwa nchi 8 (18%) ndio zina uhuru wa kweli, nchi 22 (43%) zina uhuru kiasi na 19 (39%) hazina uhuru kabisa. Nchi zinazotajwa kuwa na uhuru ni Afrika Kusini, Namibia, Botswana, Ghana, Togo, Senegal na Kisiwa cha Sao Tome.

 Sababu ya nchi nyingi za Afrika kuwepo kwenye kundi la zisizo na uhuru ni matokeo ya viongozi kukaa madarakani muda mrefu, vurugu za kisiasa na kikabila ambazo zimekuwa zikihatarisha haki za binadamu.


Demokrasia ya Dunia

Demokrasia ya dunia inakabiliwa na mzozo mkubwa wa kisiasa kuliko wakati mwingine ambapo mwaka 2017 ulishuhudia ukiukwaji mkubwa wa haki za binadamu ikiwemo kuminywa kwa  uchaguzi huru na kweli, haki za watu wachache, uhuru wa kujieleza, utawala wa sheria.

Nchi 71 kati ya 195 zimeshuhudiwa zikiteteleka katika kulinda haki za kisiasa na jamii ambapo ni nchi 35 tu ndizo zimeweza kulinda haki hizo. Kudhoofika kwa demokrasia kunaendelea kushuka kwa miaka 12 mfululizo na hatua muhimu zisipochukuliwa amani ya dunia itawekwa rehani.

Marekani ambayo ni bingwa wa demokrasia duniani nayo imeripotiwa na taasisi ya Freedom House kudhoofika katika kulinda haki za kisiasa na kijamii na kuzua mgongano wa mawazo miongoni mwa nchi zinazoibukia katika kujenga demokrasia ya dunia.

Tangu kuisha kwa vita baridi, nchi nyingi ziliachana na utawala wa kiimla na kugeukia demokrasia ya vyama vingi lakini hali hiyo imeanza kujitokeza tena ambapo idadi ya viongozi wanaoongoza kwa udikteta inaongezeka.


Uhuru wa nchi moja unategemea uhuru wa nchi zote

Demokrasia itabaki kuwa tunu muhimu kwa jamii zilizostaarabika, ikifungua milango ya uwazi, mawazo na fursa mpya na zaidi ya yote kulinda uhuru wa mtu mmoja mmoja. Ikiwa watu duniani kote wanadai mazingira mazuri ya kisiasa ni dhahiri wanakumbatia misingi ya demokrasia: uchaguzi huru, uhuru wa kujieleza, uwazi na uwajibikaji wa serikali, utawala wa sheria ambao hauingiliwi na polisi, jeshi au taasisi nyingine za nchi.

Hata hivyo, Karne ya 21 imeshuhudia ugumu wa kuifanya demokrasia kuwa endelevu ambapo baadhi ya nchi zinatekeleza lakini zingine zinapuuza. Utawala wa kidekteta wa Urusi na China unatambua wazi ili uendelee kuwepo unahitaji kuimarisha demokrasia katika nchi nyingine ili ziendelee kufaidika na mahusiano ya kidiplomasia. Ukuaji wa  demokrasia ni kulinda haki za watu wote duniani kupitia utandawazi   

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Is Tanzania’s Adolescent Fertility Rate Three Times Higher Than Global Counterparts?



The Comprehensive Community-Based Rehabilitation in Tanzania (CCBRT), an organization ​which works to provide affordable medical and rehabilitative services for mothers and newborns throughout Dar-es-Salaam, marked World Contraception Day on September 26 with a call for more efforts to meet the reproductive health needs of teens between 15 and 19 years old.

The report highlights a worrying statistic — Tanzania’s adolescents are having almost three times as many children on average as their global counterparts, with 135 births per 1000 girls reported in the country, compared to an average of 44 per 1000 girls aged 15–19 worldwide in 2015.

CCRBT attributes the high adolescent fertility rate to a lack of access to contraceptive services, with Technical Advisor for Nursing Bola Abbas saying, that only about 8 per cent of current family planning clients are between the ages of 15 to 19.

On a national scale, Abbas explains, demand for family planning among adolescent girls is still very low, with only one out of every three of those who are sexually active within the 15 to 19 age group using modern contraceptive methods.

So the question is, how does Tanzania’s adolescent fertility rate compare to that of the rest of the world?

Pesacheck investigated the claim that Tanzanian adolescents are having three times as many children as their peers in the rest of the world and found that the statement is TRUE for the following reasons:

Tanzania’s adolescent fertility numbers are rather high, with 4.4% of girls aged 15 having given birth according to the country’s Demographic and Health Survey.

The Sustainable Development Goals call for countries to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive healthcare services, including family planning, information and education, and the integration of reproductive health into national strategies and programmes by 2030.

The indicators for this goal are the proportion of women of reproductive age (15–49 years) who have their need for family planning satisfied with modern methods, and the adolescent birth rate (10–14 years and 15–19 years) per 1,000 women in that age group.

For several sub-Saharan countries, Tanzania included, access to modern family planning methods is low for this particular age group, and as a result, the regional average is 105 births per 1,000, which is more than double the global average.

Tanzania’s National Bureau of Statistics produced a national fertility and nuptiality report based on data from the 2012 national census, which shows that Adolescent Fertility Rate (AFR) was 81 births per 1,000 women aged 15–19.

The report further shows that in 2012, 23.3% of adolescent girls in the country had given birth to at least one child. Additionally, 42.2% of girls who had never attended school had given birth, compared to just 9% of those who had reached university.

This shows that there is a need for contraceptive access for teenage girls in Tanzania, especially for girls in rural areas and those with limited access to education.

The Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey 2015–16 indicates that 27% of girls aged 15–19 have given birth. Crude birth rates for girls aged 15–19 show that there 135 births per 1,000 girls in Mainland Tanzania and 132 per 1,000 girls in Zanzibar, way above the global average of 44. The data also shows that contraceptive access for this age group is also quite low, with 10.4% of girls aged 15–49 using any form of contraception.

It would therefore appear that the lack of access to contraceptives is contributing to the increased likelihood of adolescent girls getting pregnant.

So the claim by CCBRT that Tanzania’s adolescent fertility rate is almost three times the global average is TRUE. This is driven largely by a lack of access to contraceptives for young people in the 15–19 age group, and the relatively high levels of poverty that have driven many out of school and into early marriage.

As a result, the country is unlikely to meet the Sustainable Development Goal of overall good health and wellbeing of mothers unless it puts measures in place to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health-care services for girls and women of all ages.

Do you want us to fact-check something a politician or other public figure has said about public finances? Complete this form, or reach out to us on any of the contacts below, and we’ll help ensure you’re not getting bamboozled.

This report was written by PesaCheck Fellow Belinda Japhet, a Communications Consultant, Online Editor based in Tanzania. The infographics are by PesaCheck Fellow Brian Wachanga, who is a Kenyan civic technologist interested in data visualisation. This report was edited by PesaCheck Managing Editor Eric Mugendi.

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Muhimu Kusoma

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